Why The Trump Administration Was Right To End The Medicare Part D Insurer Bailout 32%

By Christopher Jacobs0%

8/5/2026, 4:44:09 AM

BS Summary: This article contains 13 faulty reasoning types, including Politically Right Leaning Bias, Framing Effect, and Self-Serving Bias, with Confirmation Bias as the most egregious example at 31% saturation with 213 hits. Analysis detected 638 faulty-reasoning hits from 688 analyzed words, generating a BS Score of 35% and a BS Rank of 32% (18,874 of 27,683 articles). This article is better (less manipulative) than 68.20% of the article peer group.

The Trump administration’s recent decision to end a temporary Part D subsidy program in 2027 attracted much press attention, and some criticism. 
The California Democratic Party claimed on X that “25 million people, mainly seniors, count on Medicare Part D to afford their prescriptions. 
Donald Trump is putting their health on the line by ending the program.” 
This is absurd—and false. 
The Trump administration is not ending the Part D program (established by Congress in 2003) and couldn’t do so even if it wanted to. 
However, it is ending a temporary and extralegal bailout program that provided billions of dollars in subsidies to insurers. 
That’s because Democrats made changes to the program that have cost far more than they claimed. 
**The Bailout, Explained** 
In summer 2024, the Biden administration announced a unilateral “premium stabilization demonstration”. 
The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) noted the new program would start at the2025 plan year. 
This was just in time for premium announcements to land in seniors’ mailboxes just prior to the November 2024 election. 
The program came into effect largely due to Democrats’ Inflation (Reduction) Act. 
That law shifted and restructured costs Part D insurers had to pay. 
It also reduced seniors’ out-of-pocket expenses on prescription drugs. 
The latter change will, all else equal, result in higher spending, because seniors will consume more and more costly drugs if they have to pay for fewer or none of their own costs. 
The IRA already included one “stabilization” mechanism in a statute running through 2029, intending to minimize any premium increases. 
But, after seeing preliminary plan bids for 2025, CMS effectively admitted this lone bailout would be insufficient to prevent large spikes in premiums or insurer exits. 
So it conjured a second, unilateral bailout to minimize any potential disruptions. 
Of course, as I noted at the time, this also amounted to using taxpayer funds to prevent Kamala Harris from suffering a big political controversy in the days leading up to the presidential election. 
**Unsustainable Costs** 
As the Washington Post wrote in a recent editorial, these “subsidies have helped keep premiums down but simply by shifting more of the cost on to the federal government,” rather than lowering costs. 
Indeed, while seniors traditionally paid 25.5 percent of Part D benefit costs via premiums, this year seniors are paying only about half that amount, or 13 percent. 
Taxpayers foot the bill for roughly seven in eight dollars of program spending (87 percent). 
The IRA bailouts resulted in $40 billion in additional taxpayer spending in 2025 and 2026, and the costs will add up even more in coming years. 
I noted recently that this year’s Medicare trustees report increased the long-term cost of the Part D program by roughly one-third, or $5 trillion, compared to the 2025 trustees report. 
**Justifiable Action** 
Given these skyrocketing costs, it makes perfect sense to end the Biden administration’s unilateral bailout. 
Because the IRA’s major changes took effect in January 2025, insurers now have enough actuarial information (i.e., plan claims) to price their products without uncertainty leading to major variations in premiums. 
Eliminating one bailout—remember, the statutory bailout remains in effect through 2029—may increase Part D premiums slightly. 
But CMS noted that the majority of enrollees will either face no change or a decline in premiums (25 percent), or an increase of under $10 per month (30 percent). 
Given that taxpayers will still pay a greater share of Part D costs than before the IRA and premiums have fallen by more than one-third in inflation-adjusted terms over the past 15 years, Part D still represents a good value for seniors. 
By ending the Biden administration’s unilateral insurer bailout, the Trump administration served as a smart steward of scarce taxpayer dollars, while restoring more of a competitive balance to Part D. 
False scaremongering by the left aside, the action will help to preserve a Medicare program that faces significant solvency concerns. 
Chris Jacobs is founder and CEO of Juniper Research Group and author of the book "The Case Against Single Payer." 
He is on Twitter: @chrisjacobsHC. 
Article reasoning-pattern comparisonThis article: 31.0%Christopher Jacobs: 11.8%The Federalist: 8.3%Confirmation Bias31.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.6%Anchoring Bias0.0%This article: 3.8%Christopher Jacobs: 0.9%The Federalist: 3.2%Availability Heuristic3.8%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 1.0%Representativeness Heuristic0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.7%Hindsight Bias0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 2.0%Overconfidence Bias0.0%This article: 12.8%Christopher Jacobs: 10.2%The Federalist: 9.8%Framing Effect12.8%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.4%Loss Aversion0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.5%Status Quo Bias0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.1%Sunk Cost Effect0.0%This article: 6.1%Christopher Jacobs: 1.4%The Federalist: 0.9%Optimism Bias6.1%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 1.6%Pessimism Bias0.0%This article: 2.2%Christopher Jacobs: 2.4%The Federalist: 11.5%Negativity Bias2.2%This article: 6.7%Christopher Jacobs: 1.5%The Federalist: 0.9%Self-Serving Bias6.7%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 1.7%Fundamental Attribution Error0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.1%Actor-Observer Bias0.0%This article: 2.9%Christopher Jacobs: 4.7%The Federalist: 3.6%In-Group Bias2.9%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 2.3%Out-Group Homogeneity Bias0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 1.8%Halo Effect0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.7%Horn Effect0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.0%Dunning-Kruger Effect0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 1.2%Recency Bias0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.5%Primacy Effect0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.1%Blind-Spot Bias0.0%This article: 3.5%Christopher Jacobs: 2.6%The Federalist: 5.1%Ad Hominem3.5%This article: 3.5%Christopher Jacobs: 5.0%The Federalist: 2.8%Straw Man3.5%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 4.6%Appeal to Authority0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.3%The Federalist: 2.6%False Dilemma0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 2.2%Slippery Slope0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.4%Circular Reasoning0.0%This article: 2.3%Christopher Jacobs: 5.0%The Federalist: 10.7%Hasty Generalization2.3%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.5%Red Herring0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.5%Bandwagon0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 1.1%The Federalist: 7.8%Appeal to Emotion0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 2.8%Begging the Question0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.9%The Federalist: 2.2%Post Hoc (False Cause)0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.5%Tu Quoque0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 1.0%Burden of Proof0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.2%Appeal to Nature0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.4%Composition/Division0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 2.6%Anecdotal0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.3%No True Scotsman0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 1.6%Ambiguity (Equivocation)0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.0%Gambler’s Fallacy0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.1%Middle Ground0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.1%Personal Incredulity0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.2%Special Pleading0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.7%Genetic Fallacy0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 2.8%Unattributed Quote0.0%This article: 3.2%Christopher Jacobs: 0.7%The Federalist: 2.0%Quote-first Misdirection3.2%This article: 0.6%Christopher Jacobs: 5.1%The Federalist: 18.5%Biased Writer Voice0.6%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 1.1%The Federalist: 4.7%Indoctrination0.0%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.0%The Federalist: 0.3%Politically Left Leaning Bias0.0%This article: 14.2%Christopher Jacobs: 13.1%The Federalist: 15.3%Politically Right Leaning Bias14.2%This article: 0.0%Christopher Jacobs: 0.4%The Federalist: 1.4%Attempt to Sell a Product or S…0.0%

688 words analyzed.

Speakers

2speakers8.7%attributed speech628writer words
63%flagged-word coverage
35 attributed words58% of attributed speech73% writer coverage
0%32.5%65.0%Quote-first Misdirection+62.9 ptsWriter: 0.0%California Democratic Party: 62.9%62.9%Politically Right Leaning -15.6 ptsWriter: 15.6%California Democratic Party: 0.0%0.0%Biased Writer Voice-0.6 ptsWriter: 0.6%California Democratic Party: 0.0%0.0%

Attribution is sentence-level. Pattern percentages are calculated only from words assigned to that voice.

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Analysis

Hover over highlighted words in the article to view the associated bias or fallacy analysis.