BS Summary: This article contains 39 faulty reasoning types, including Confirmation Bias, Appeal to Authority, and Biased Writer Voice, with Negativity Bias as the most egregious example at 41% saturation with 373 hits. Analysis detected 2,890 faulty-reasoning hits from 910 analyzed words, generating a BS Score of 72% and a BS Rank of 80% (4,156 of 20,557 articles). This article is worse (more manipulative) than 79.80% of the article peer group.

After Ankara, Deep State and Euro Hawks Celebrate Wins 
Trump gives NATO what it wants. 
As a candidate, Donald Trump famously promised to end the war in Ukraine “within 24 hours” of taking office. 
This past week, he acknowledged that Ukraine’s strikes on Russia’s energy infrastructure represent an “escalation” in the conflict and offered new support for Kiev’s war effort. 
“It’s an escalation,” Trump said, “but it’s also an escalation that can help lead to an end of the war.” 
“We’re going to give a license to you to make Patriot missiles,” Trump told reporters ahead of a meeting with Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky, who Trump said has “done an amazing job.” 
As the Washington Post approvingly noted , the President appeared to be “embracing a view that Ukraine and many Europeans have long held.” 
That view—which sees Ukraine’s war as winnable, if only the West will send enough money and weapons—has been the consensus among foreign policy elites since this thing kicked off. 
Now, aided by Western news outlets , hawks in Europe and our own national security bureaucracy are successfully selling this narrative to a gullible president who had previously resisted their blandishments. 
Nor are they shy about their methods. 
As the New York Times documented late last year, “beleaguered U.S. military officers met with their CIA counterparts to help craft a more concerted Ukrainian campaign.” 
This campaign, which focused on oil refineries, was pitched by the Agency at the highest levels: CIA Director John Ratcliffe made the case to his boss personally, on the golf course. 
At “a frequent Sunday tee time,” the Times reports, Ratcliffe sold the plan to a receptive Trump, who “praised America’s surreptitious role in these blows to Russia’s energy industry” even as Putin, in the President’s colorful telling, “continued to jerk him off.” 
This sell by the deep state continues apace. 
Last week, the Wall Street Journal reported that the President “is being shown U.S. intelligence reports about Ukraine’s new strike capabilities and has been impressed by them,” and that “those assessments explain why Trump is talking more positively about Ukraine compared with last year.” 
According to John Mearsheimer, Glenn Diesen, and other close observers of the conflict, the latest CIA-backed strikes on Russian infrastructure won’t change the fundamentals of the conflict—but could well lead to destabilizing responses by Moscow. 
Mearsheimer has long recognized that the fundamental dynamics of this war favor Russia. 
As he told the EU Parliament last fall, “Russia is clearly winning this war, and it’s likely to prevail,” because “in a war of attrition, each side tries to bleed the other side white, which means that the side that has more soldiers and more firepower is likely to emerge victorious. 
Russia has a significant advantage on both dimensions.” 
Since then, little has changed. 
New Western aid commitments “will have hardly any effect on what happens on the battlefield,” Mearsheimer told The American Conservativ e. 
What they might do instead, Mearsheimer warns, is encourage the Kremlin to give more weight to hardliners like Sergey Karaganov, who claim the West has lost its fear of Russia and that only drastic measures—the use of a tactical nuke, for example—can restore deterrence. 
In a similar vein, Glenn Diesen argues that NATO’s goal of “bringing the war to Russia” will not force Putin to fold, since “from Russia’s perspective, a ceasefire is not peace as NATO countries would then send in their troops and military hardware.” 
“The only possible response now for Russia,” Diesen argues, “is escalation that may take us to nuclear war.” 
Western leaders believe they can manage the escalation ladder and avoid such a catastrophic outcome. 
The bet would be more credible if the same hubris—the certainty that the West could provoke Russia without consequence—hadn’t produced the proxy war itself. 
“My view of what’s happening here,” Mearsheimer observed last month, “is that Ukraine is actually losing on the battlefield, and that people in the know, on the inside, recognize that. 
And the last thing they want to do is say that out loud. 
Instead, what they are doing is conducting this massive propaganda campaign that basically says that Ukraine has 1) turned the tide on the battlefield… 2) the drone attacks deep into Russia are beginning to have a significant economic and political set of consequences on Putin and on Russia more generally… and then of course the story is that Putin is weak and he’s vulnerable and… [he’ll be] forced to concede to us.” 
And that, Mearsheimer says, is “a delusional set of arguments.” 
Increasingly, the enthusiasm of Western elites for intensifying the war appears at odds with the views of some Ukrainians themselves. 
Last week, the Ukrainian city of Lviv saw riots protesting Zelensky’s sweeping conscription regime. 
Such “clashes between citizens and army conscription police,” Euronews reports , have “seen a steady increase… with authorities reporting over 100 such incidents this year alone.” 
This is perhaps unsurprising, given the country’s structural issues with manpower. 
Ukraine is in a “demographic death spiral,” as Mearsheimer explains , “and we’re encouraging them to throw bodies into the meat grinder when they’re going to lose anyway.” 
But the concerns of ordinary Ukrainians were not top of mind at last week’s NATO summit. 
The policymakers gathered in Ankara were interested in total victory, not peace. 
“Europeans,” as Glenn Diesen observed , “got what they wanted. 
Diplomacy is dead & this is now Trump’s war.” 
Article reasoning-pattern comparisonThis article: 33.8%Harrison Berger: 7.1%The American Conservative: 8.2%Confirmation Bias33.8%This article: 0.0%Harrison Berger: 0.3%The American Conservative: 0.6%Anchoring Bias0.0%This article: 7.8%Harrison Berger: 5.5%The American Conservative: 3.7%Availability Heuristic7.8%This article: 3.2%Harrison Berger: 1.1%The American Conservative: 1.4%Representativeness Heuristic3.2%This article: 4.7%Harrison Berger: 0.5%The American Conservative: 1.9%Hindsight Bias4.7%This article: 0.9%Harrison Berger: 4.3%The American Conservative: 3.1%Overconfidence Bias0.9%This article: 2.9%Harrison Berger: 12.6%The American Conservative: 8.1%Framing Effect2.9%This article: 0.0%Harrison Berger: 0.5%The American Conservative: 0.4%Loss Aversion0.0%This article: 3.7%Harrison Berger: 0.3%The American Conservative: 0.6%Status Quo Bias3.7%This article: 0.0%Harrison Berger: 0.1%The American Conservative: 0.3%Sunk Cost Effect0.0%This article: 5.2%Harrison Berger: 1.2%The American Conservative: 1.8%Optimism Bias5.2%This article: 13.5%Harrison Berger: 2.4%The American Conservative: 2.7%Pessimism Bias13.5%This article: 41.0%Harrison Berger: 12.4%The American Conservative: 10.7%Negativity Bias41.0%This article: 3.4%Harrison Berger: 2.1%The American Conservative: 1.1%Self-Serving Bias3.4%This article: 3.2%Harrison Berger: 1.6%The American Conservative: 2.3%Fundamental Attribution Error3.2%This article: 1.1%Harrison Berger: 0.3%The American Conservative: 0.2%Actor-Observer Bias1.1%This article: 0.0%Harrison Berger: 1.7%The American Conservative: 2.4%In-Group Bias0.0%This article: 0.0%Harrison Berger: 1.9%The American Conservative: 2.2%Out-Group Homogeneity Bias0.0%This article: 2.5%Harrison Berger: 0.3%The American Conservative: 1.5%Halo Effect2.5%This article: 0.0%Harrison Berger: 0.1%The American Conservative: 0.4%Horn Effect0.0%This article: 0.0%Harrison Berger: 0.0%The American Conservative: 0.1%Dunning-Kruger Effect0.0%This article: 2.1%Harrison Berger: 2.5%The American Conservative: 1.4%Recency Bias2.1%This article: 1.4%Harrison Berger: 0.5%The American Conservative: 0.6%Primacy Effect1.4%This article: 0.0%Harrison Berger: 0.3%The American Conservative: 0.1%Blind-Spot Bias0.0%This article: 9.1%Harrison Berger: 2.1%The American Conservative: 2.9%Ad Hominem9.1%This article: 7.9%Harrison Berger: 0.7%The American Conservative: 2.2%Straw Man7.9%This article: 26.9%Harrison Berger: 8.2%The American Conservative: 4.2%Appeal to Authority26.9%This article: 13.0%Harrison Berger: 2.9%The American Conservative: 3.3%False Dilemma13.0%This article: 4.8%Harrison Berger: 2.6%The American Conservative: 2.3%Slippery Slope4.8%This article: 0.0%Harrison Berger: 0.2%The American Conservative: 0.2%Circular Reasoning0.0%This article: 15.2%Harrison Berger: 7.5%The American Conservative: 10.5%Hasty Generalization15.2%This article: 0.8%Harrison Berger: 0.1%The American Conservative: 0.4%Red Herring0.8%This article: 3.2%Harrison Berger: 0.9%The American Conservative: 0.7%Bandwagon3.2%This article: 10.9%Harrison Berger: 7.1%The American Conservative: 5.7%Appeal to Emotion10.9%This article: 4.7%Harrison Berger: 1.9%The American Conservative: 1.6%Begging the Question4.7%This article: 8.7%Harrison Berger: 3.7%The American Conservative: 4.6%Post Hoc (False Cause)8.7%This article: 0.0%Harrison Berger: 0.3%The American Conservative: 0.3%Tu Quoque0.0%This article: 11.2%Harrison Berger: 0.9%The American Conservative: 1.0%Burden of Proof11.2%This article: 0.0%Harrison Berger: 0.0%The American Conservative: 0.2%Appeal to Nature0.0%This article: 0.0%Harrison Berger: 0.1%The American Conservative: 0.5%Composition/Division0.0%This article: 9.5%Harrison Berger: 1.1%The American Conservative: 2.2%Anecdotal9.5%This article: 3.4%Harrison Berger: 0.2%The American Conservative: 0.2%No True Scotsman3.4%This article: 0.7%Harrison Berger: 2.4%The American Conservative: 2.0%Ambiguity (Equivocation)0.7%This article: 0.0%Harrison Berger: 0.0%The American Conservative: 0.0%Gambler’s Fallacy0.0%This article: 0.0%Harrison Berger: 0.0%The American Conservative: 0.1%Middle Ground0.0%This article: 0.0%Harrison Berger: 0.0%The American Conservative: 0.1%Personal Incredulity0.0%This article: 0.0%Harrison Berger: 0.2%The American Conservative: 0.2%Special Pleading0.0%This article: 3.4%Harrison Berger: 0.3%The American Conservative: 0.4%Genetic Fallacy3.4%This article: 6.8%Harrison Berger: 5.4%The American Conservative: 3.2%Unattributed Quote6.8%This article: 6.8%Harrison Berger: 4.5%The American Conservative: 2.1%Quote-first Misdirection6.8%This article: 20.0%Harrison Berger: 11.2%The American Conservative: 17.2%Biased Writer Voice20.0%This article: 14.0%Harrison Berger: 1.4%The American Conservative: 2.9%Indoctrination14.0%This article: 3.2%Harrison Berger: 1.3%The American Conservative: 1.1%Politically Left Leaning Bias3.2%This article: 2.3%Harrison Berger: 1.1%The American Conservative: 4.1%Politically Right Leaning Bias2.3%This article: 0.8%Harrison Berger: 0.4%The American Conservative: 0.5%Attempt to Sell a Product or S…0.8%

910 words analyzed.

Speakers

7speakers62%attributed speech348writer words
Voice mapSelect a segment to jump to its words
Writer's voice • 9 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 9 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 6 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 19 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 26 words • 0.0% coverageDonald Trump • 20 words • 100.0% coverageDonald Trump • 32 words • 100.0% coverageThe Washington Post • 23 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 29 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 31 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 7 words • 100.0% coverageThe New York Times • 26 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 31 words • 100.0% coverageThe New York Times • 42 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 8 words • 100.0% coverageThe Wall Street Journal • 44 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 35 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 13 words • 0.0% coverageJohn Mearsheimer • 51 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 8 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 5 words • 0.0% coverageJohn Mearsheimer • 21 words • 100.0% coverageJohn Mearsheimer • 44 words • 0.0% coverageGlenn Diesen • 43 words • 0.0% coverageGlenn Diesen • 18 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 15 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 24 words • 100.0% coverageJohn Mearsheimer • 30 words • 100.0% coverageJohn Mearsheimer • 13 words • 0.0% coverageJohn Mearsheimer • 72 words • 100.0% coverageJohn Mearsheimer • 10 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 20 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 14 words • 0.0% coverageEuronews • 26 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 11 words • 0.0% coverageJohn Mearsheimer • 28 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 16 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 12 words • 100.0% coverageGlenn Diesen • 10 words • 0.0% coverageGlenn Diesen • 9 words • 0.0% coverage
Selected voice

John Mearsheimer

100%flagged-word coverage
269 attributed words48% of attributed speech95% writer coverage
0%20.0%40.0%Biased Writer Voice-27.2 ptsWriter: 37.6%John Mearsheimer: 10.4%10.4%Indoctrination+11.0 ptsWriter: 15.8%John Mearsheimer: 26.8%26.8%Unattributed Quote+11.2 ptsWriter: 0.0%John Mearsheimer: 11.2%11.2%Politically Left Leaning B-8.3 ptsWriter: 8.3%John Mearsheimer: 0.0%0.0%Politically Right Leaning +7.8 ptsWriter: 0.0%John Mearsheimer: 7.8%7.8%Attempt to Sell a Product -2.0 ptsWriter: 2.0%John Mearsheimer: 0.0%0.0%

Attribution is sentence-level. Pattern percentages are calculated only from words assigned to that voice.

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Analysis

Hover over highlighted words in the article to view the associated bias or fallacy analysis.