KUER0%

Ogden activists want to use a city permit as an unlikely tactic against ICE 62%

By Macy Lipkin0%

3/19/2026, 1:00:00 AM

BS Summary: This article contains 19 faulty reasoning types, including Availability Heuristic, Appeal to Authority, and Self-Serving Bias, with Confirmation Bias as the most egregious example at 9.8% saturation with 88 hits. Analysis detected 731 faulty-reasoning hits from 899 analyzed words, generating a BS Score of 57.1% and a BS Rank of 62% (8,463 of 21,887 articles). This article is worse (more manipulative) than 61.30% of the article peer group.

The Immigration and Customs Enforcement office in Ogden got approval to operate more than 25 years ago. 
But lately, the temporary detention facility site has been getting more use  and attention. 
Compared to the preceding 17 months, the facility recorded nearly twice as many book-ins between Jan. 21, 2025, and Oct. 15, 2025, according to ICE detention data obtained by the Deportation Data Project. 
People are mostly taken in for processing and then transferred to local jails or ICE detention facilities. 
Others are released to continue immigration proceedings outside of detention. 
“It was not meant to be used as it is being currently used, which includes people being held over two days, being held over 24 hours, and being held outside of the required hours, which are meant to be not completely strict, but only used with a few exceptions,” said Ogden resident Thor Dorosh. 
He bases that claim on planning commission documents he obtained. 
Dorosh found that the staff report, dated June 21, 2000, said that ICE had permission to operate in a commercial zone via a conditional use permit. 
Back in 2000, ICE’s predecessor, the Immigration and Naturalization Service, sought permission from the Ogden City Planning Commission to develop a regional processing office in an industrial part of town. 
The office now covers most Utah counties north of Salt Lake. 
The office was allowed in a unanimous vote under certain conditions. 
Those stipulations included that “No individuals will be housed in the building beyond the normal hour of 5:00 p.m,” and that “Normal hours of operation be between 7:00 a.m. to 4:00 p.m., with occasional processing allowed outside these hours.” 
Despite that, ICE appears to be holding people overnight. 
Facility data obtained by the Deportation Data Project and analyzed by KUER show that the agency held people on 43 nights from September 2023 through mid-October 2025. 
Other ICE data suggest that overnight stays happen less often. 
Detainee-level data from the project shows 14 people left the Ogden facility on a later date than they entered during the same time frame. 
As for operating hours, just under a quarter of book-ins occurred before 7:00 a.m. or after 4:00 p.m., mostly in the early morning. 
Dorosh and other activists have been talking about how to limit ICE’s ability to operate in Ogden. 
They plan to raise the permit issue at the March 24 city council meeting. 
“I view, particularly, using the city council as a means of targeting the ICE facility specifically as a way of moving energy towards something productive,” he said. 
ICE also operates hold rooms in West Valley City, Orem and St. 
George. 
In a June 2025 memo, the agency expanded the detention limit for holding facilities from 12 to 72 hours. 
Ogden City is not aware of any conditional use permit violations, according to spokesperson Mike McBride. 
In general, if a complaint is made about an operator violating their conditional use permit, the next step is for code enforcement to confirm whether a violation is occurring. 
If it is, the operator has a certain amount of time to fix it, and if they don’t, the planning commission can consider revoking the permit. 
If it is determined that ICE is violating its permit, the city could potentially rescind it, McBride said. 
But the relationship between the city and the federal government is complicated. 
“Constitutionally, a local municipality cannot interfere with federal operations,” he said. 
That is all tied to the Supremacy Clause of the U.S. 
Constitution, said Rick Su, law professor at the University of North Carolina. 
“For the most part, the federal government does not have to abide by a local regulation  a local zoning regulation, a local building code regulation, and, of course, a conditional use permit falls within that land use zoning sort of component,” he said. 
Even so, the federal government has traditionally cooperated with municipalities to be a good partner, he said. 
A city could impose fines against the government for violations, Su said, but collecting them would be another story. 
There’s a flip side to the Supremacy Clause that could be relevant when city leaders oppose the creation of an ICE detention center, as is happening in Salt Lake City. 
The federal government does not have to comply with local laws. 
It also can’t force a municipality to do something like expand its sewer system or strengthen its roads to meet the capacity of a new detention facility. 
And infrastructure concerns are legitimate, Su said. 
In the small city of Social Circle, Georgia, for instance, leaders cut off water to a warehouse as they wait for more information about ICE’s plans to convert it into a detention center, citing the demand on water and sewer systems. 
Dorosh still hopes Ogden will revoke ICE’s permit, “even if it doesn't necessarily result in ICE, like, packing up and leaving,” he said. 
“I think it is important for Ogden as an institution to directly challenge and make it clear that Ogden as a city representing its constituents don't want ICE to be operating within its city limits,” he said. 
ICE did not respond to KUER’s questions about why some people are held overnight in Ogden and what facilities in the hold room are available for sleeping. 
Many holding facilities do not have beds, according to The Guardian. 
Article reasoning-pattern comparisonThis article: 9.8%Macy Lipkin: 2.4%KUER: 2.8%Confirmation Bias9.8%This article: 2.1%Macy Lipkin: 2.0%KUER: 1.3%Anchoring Bias2.1%This article: 7.5%Macy Lipkin: 4.3%KUER: 3.4%Availability Heuristic7.5%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 1.0%KUER: 1.2%Representativeness Heuristic0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.3%KUER: 0.5%Hindsight Bias0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 1.6%KUER: 1.9%Overconfidence Bias0.0%This article: 6.5%Macy Lipkin: 5.8%KUER: 7.4%Framing Effect6.5%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 1.4%KUER: 1.3%Loss Aversion0.0%This article: 1.2%Macy Lipkin: 1.2%KUER: 1.2%Status Quo Bias1.2%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.4%KUER: 0.3%Sunk Cost Effect0.0%This article: 2.6%Macy Lipkin: 5.1%KUER: 4.4%Optimism Bias2.6%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 2.1%KUER: 2.4%Pessimism Bias0.0%This article: 5.1%Macy Lipkin: 5.6%KUER: 6.3%Negativity Bias5.1%This article: 7.1%Macy Lipkin: 1.6%KUER: 2.2%Self-Serving Bias7.1%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.8%KUER: 0.9%Fundamental Attribution Error0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.2%KUER: 0.2%Actor-Observer Bias0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.9%KUER: 1.9%In-Group Bias0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.3%KUER: 0.6%Out-Group Homogeneity Bias0.0%This article: 1.9%Macy Lipkin: 1.2%KUER: 2.3%Halo Effect1.9%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.0%KUER: 0.1%Horn Effect0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.0%KUER: 0.0%Dunning-Kruger Effect0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.9%KUER: 1.2%Recency Bias0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.2%KUER: 0.3%Primacy Effect0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.1%KUER: 0.1%Blind-Spot Bias0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.2%KUER: 0.6%Ad Hominem0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.3%KUER: 0.4%Straw Man0.0%This article: 7.3%Macy Lipkin: 4.6%KUER: 4.7%Appeal to Authority7.3%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 1.5%KUER: 1.7%False Dilemma0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.9%KUER: 1.1%Slippery Slope0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.3%KUER: 0.2%Circular Reasoning0.0%This article: 1.2%Macy Lipkin: 3.6%KUER: 4.1%Hasty Generalization1.2%This article: 3.3%Macy Lipkin: 0.1%KUER: 0.2%Red Herring3.3%This article: 4.1%Macy Lipkin: 0.4%KUER: 0.7%Bandwagon4.1%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 4.6%KUER: 5.6%Appeal to Emotion0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.6%KUER: 0.7%Begging the Question0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 2.2%KUER: 2.4%Post Hoc (False Cause)0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.1%KUER: 0.1%Tu Quoque0.0%This article: 3.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.4%KUER: 0.4%Burden of Proof3.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.2%KUER: 0.2%Appeal to Nature0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.2%KUER: 0.3%Composition/Division0.0%This article: 4.6%Macy Lipkin: 3.9%KUER: 3.1%Anecdotal4.6%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.2%KUER: 0.1%No True Scotsman0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 1.7%KUER: 1.5%Ambiguity (Equivocation)0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.0%KUER: 0.0%Gambler’s Fallacy0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.2%KUER: 0.2%Middle Ground0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.0%KUER: 0.1%Personal Incredulity0.0%This article: 6.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.2%KUER: 0.1%Special Pleading6.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.1%KUER: 0.2%Genetic Fallacy0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.9%KUER: 0.8%Unattributed Quote0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.8%KUER: 0.7%Quote-first Misdirection0.0%This article: 2.3%Macy Lipkin: 1.4%KUER: 2.2%Biased Writer Voice2.3%This article: 4.1%Macy Lipkin: 0.9%KUER: 1.6%Indoctrination4.1%This article: 1.6%Macy Lipkin: 0.5%KUER: 0.8%Politically Left Leaning Bias1.6%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.2%KUER: 0.3%Politically Right Leaning Bias0.0%This article: 0.0%Macy Lipkin: 0.7%KUER: 1.0%Attempt to Sell a Product or S…0.0%

899 words analyzed.

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