Wars in Ukraine 52%

By Ted Snider0%

7/11/2026, 4:01:00 AM

BS Summary: This article contains 31 faulty reasoning types, including Negativity Bias, Confirmation Bias, and Post Hoc (False Cause), with Appeal to Authority as the most egregious example at 28.4% saturation with 271 hits. Analysis detected 1,927 faulty-reasoning hits from 955 analyzed words, generating a BS Score of 51.4% and a BS Rank of 52% (9,949 of 20,438 articles). This article is worse (more manipulative) than 51.30% of the article peer group.

Foreign policy 
Wars in Ukraine, Iran Undermine Nuclear Security 
More nations seek nuclear protection outside the U.S.-led order. 
The U.S. proxy war in Ukraine and the direct U.S. war in Iran have made the world a more dangerous place, raising nuclear risks. 
Ukraine is the dam, we were repeatedly told, that would hold back the Russian invasion of Europe. 
We were told that by Ukraine , by the U.S. , and by NATO . 
To keep the world safe from Russia, Russia needed to be fought in Ukraine. 
It was never true, as even Western officials sometimes admit. 
As early as two years ago, America’s then-Ambassador to NATO Julianne Smith said , “we do not have indicators or warnings right now that a Russian war is imminent on NATO territory.” 
And now, after years of war and hundreds of thousands of lives destroyed, General Alexus G. 
Grynkewich, the head of U.S. 
European Command, says concern about Russia expanding the war by attacking a Baltic country is not necessary because “Russia is not looking for a conflict” and that they wouldn’t “risk” something when they “understand that… they won’t succeed.” 
Asked about the constant warnings of Russia attacking a Baltic country, Ulf Kristersson, the prime minister of nearby Sweden, agreed with Grynkewich: “We don’t see any signs of that.” 
So, the war has not made Europe safer. 
But it has created a European security architecture that is antagonistic to Russia and that keeps Russia on the other side of a rigid line. 
That, as we have seen, is a dangerous situation. 
Worse, it has allowed nuclear risks to proliferate along that line. 
Finland, which shares an 830-mile border with Russia, has overturned a decades-old ban by allowing its territory to be used to host nuclear weapons. 
And it will permit its NATO allies to transport NATO weapons through its territory or hold them there. 
Moscow has taken note. 
“By placing nuclear weapons on its territory, Finland will begin to pose a threat to us. 
And if Finland threatens us, we will take appropriate measures,” Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said . 
And the dangerous situation is spreading. 
Last week, Lithuania’s parliament began to lift a three decade’s old constitutional ban on NATO deployment of nuclear weapons on its territory. 
Lithuania shares a border with the Russian enclave of Kaliningrad. 
The Polish government has declared an interest in participating in the U.S. nuclear sharing program that is under consideration. 
If implemented, that program would allow the U.S. to deploy nuclear weapons to additional NATO states. 
Poland has expressed a strong desire to host nuclear weapons. 
Like Finland and Lithuania, Poland shares a border with Russia. 
Poland has also joined France’s forward nuclear deterrence scheme. 
France is the only nuclear power in the European Union and the only fully independent nuclear power in NATO other than the United States. 
Under the plan, France would allow partner European nations to temporarily host French strategic air forces. 
Poland is joined by Belgium, Denmark , Germany, Greece, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Norway . 
The war in Iran has also led to nuclear proliferation. 
It has critically harmed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) by exposing its hypocrisy and impotence. 
As a signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty , Iran was supposed to be protected by the “inalienable right” to a civilian nuclear program. 
And yet, though Rafael Grossi, the head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, declared that the organization “did not find in Iran elements to indicate that there is an active, systematic plan to build a nuclear weapon,” the IAEA did not condemn the attack or come to Iran’s legal defense. 
The NPT is the best thing the world has for preventing the spread of nuclear weapons. 
Its discrediting does not make the world a safer place. 
The bombing of Iran’s civilian nuclear program has destabilized the nuclear order and put upward pressure on proliferation. 
Iran may conclude it has more incentive to acquire nuclear weapons, as may neighboring nations. 
Though the U.S. had promised to protect the Gulf countries under its security umbrella, their partnership with the U.S. made them targets for Iranian missiles instead. 
Their confidence in American defense arrangements has been shaken, and some have begun considering diversification. 
In September of last year, months after the Twelve Day War and America’s bombing of Iranian nuclear facilities, Saudi Arabia signed a Strategic Mutual Defense Agreement with Pakistan. 
It is a full alliance that commits “that any aggression against either country shall be considered an aggression against both.” 
Pakistan is the only Muslim nation with nuclear weapons. 
“What we have, and the capabilities we possess, will be made available to [Saudi Arabia] according to this agreement,” said Pakistan’s defense minister. 
The war against Iran has shaken confidence in the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and may incentivize nations to acquire nuclear weapons or ally with nations who possess them. 
The war on Russia has led to the proliferation of nuclear weapons along the Russian border, which can only be seen by Russia as threatening. 
Both wars could have been avoided. 
NATO could have agreed to keep its promise and not expand to Ukraine. 
Ukraine and its Western partners could have used the Minsk Accord as a path to peace and implemented it instead of using it as an opportunity to arm for war. 
As for Iran, it had already signed a nuclear agreement that clearly stated that “Iran reaffirms that under no circumstances will Iran ever seek, develop or acquire any nuclear weapons.” 
Diplomacy was an option. 
Both wars were supposed to make the world a safer place. 
Both have increased nuclear risks. 
The post Wars in Ukraine, Iran Undermine Nuclear Security appeared first on The American Conservative . 
Article reasoning-pattern comparisonThis article: 15.3%Ted Snider: 11.5%The American Conservative: 8.2%Confirmation Bias15.3%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.5%The American Conservative: 0.6%Anchoring Bias0.0%This article: 5.9%Ted Snider: 1.3%The American Conservative: 3.7%Availability Heuristic5.9%This article: 5.4%Ted Snider: 1.7%The American Conservative: 1.4%Representativeness Heuristic5.4%This article: 3.0%Ted Snider: 2.1%The American Conservative: 1.9%Hindsight Bias3.0%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 4.4%The American Conservative: 3.1%Overconfidence Bias0.0%This article: 2.2%Ted Snider: 8.2%The American Conservative: 8.1%Framing Effect2.2%This article: 1.7%Ted Snider: 0.2%The American Conservative: 0.4%Loss Aversion1.7%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.1%The American Conservative: 0.6%Status Quo Bias0.0%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.3%The American Conservative: 0.3%Sunk Cost Effect0.0%This article: 2.1%Ted Snider: 1.0%The American Conservative: 1.8%Optimism Bias2.1%This article: 4.3%Ted Snider: 3.0%The American Conservative: 2.7%Pessimism Bias4.3%This article: 17.8%Ted Snider: 6.5%The American Conservative: 10.7%Negativity Bias17.8%This article: 4.2%Ted Snider: 1.3%The American Conservative: 1.1%Self-Serving Bias4.2%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.0%The American Conservative: 2.3%Fundamental Attribution Error0.0%This article: 0.4%Ted Snider: 0.4%The American Conservative: 0.2%Actor-Observer Bias0.4%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.3%The American Conservative: 2.4%In-Group Bias0.0%This article: 2.6%Ted Snider: 0.3%The American Conservative: 2.2%Out-Group Homogeneity Bias2.6%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 1.1%The American Conservative: 1.5%Halo Effect0.0%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.0%The American Conservative: 0.4%Horn Effect0.0%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.0%The American Conservative: 0.1%Dunning-Kruger Effect0.0%This article: 6.9%Ted Snider: 1.1%The American Conservative: 1.4%Recency Bias6.9%This article: 3.0%Ted Snider: 0.6%The American Conservative: 0.6%Primacy Effect3.0%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.0%The American Conservative: 0.1%Blind-Spot Bias0.0%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.1%The American Conservative: 2.9%Ad Hominem0.0%This article: 4.9%Ted Snider: 1.9%The American Conservative: 2.2%Straw Man4.9%This article: 28.4%Ted Snider: 7.2%The American Conservative: 4.2%Appeal to Authority28.4%This article: 6.9%Ted Snider: 2.1%The American Conservative: 3.3%False Dilemma6.9%This article: 1.8%Ted Snider: 1.5%The American Conservative: 2.3%Slippery Slope1.8%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.2%The American Conservative: 0.2%Circular Reasoning0.0%This article: 9.7%Ted Snider: 5.8%The American Conservative: 10.5%Hasty Generalization9.7%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.0%The American Conservative: 0.4%Red Herring0.0%This article: 1.6%Ted Snider: 0.8%The American Conservative: 0.7%Bandwagon1.6%This article: 5.0%Ted Snider: 4.3%The American Conservative: 5.8%Appeal to Emotion5.0%This article: 6.1%Ted Snider: 1.0%The American Conservative: 1.6%Begging the Question6.1%This article: 15.3%Ted Snider: 7.8%The American Conservative: 4.6%Post Hoc (False Cause)15.3%This article: 5.2%Ted Snider: 0.6%The American Conservative: 0.3%Tu Quoque5.2%This article: 5.5%Ted Snider: 0.8%The American Conservative: 1.0%Burden of Proof5.5%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.0%The American Conservative: 0.2%Appeal to Nature0.0%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.0%The American Conservative: 0.5%Composition/Division0.0%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.6%The American Conservative: 2.2%Anecdotal0.0%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.4%The American Conservative: 0.2%No True Scotsman0.0%This article: 1.6%Ted Snider: 3.1%The American Conservative: 2.0%Ambiguity (Equivocation)1.6%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.0%The American Conservative: 0.0%Gambler’s Fallacy0.0%This article: 0.4%Ted Snider: 0.0%The American Conservative: 0.1%Middle Ground0.4%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.0%The American Conservative: 0.1%Personal Incredulity0.0%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.0%The American Conservative: 0.2%Special Pleading0.0%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.0%The American Conservative: 0.4%Genetic Fallacy0.0%This article: 10.7%Ted Snider: 2.3%The American Conservative: 3.2%Unattributed Quote10.7%This article: 8.6%Ted Snider: 2.1%The American Conservative: 2.1%Quote-first Misdirection8.6%This article: 13.5%Ted Snider: 6.6%The American Conservative: 17.2%Biased Writer Voice13.5%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.9%The American Conservative: 2.9%Indoctrination0.0%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.8%The American Conservative: 1.1%Politically Left Leaning Bias0.0%This article: 0.0%Ted Snider: 0.1%The American Conservative: 4.1%Politically Right Leaning Bias0.0%This article: 1.7%Ted Snider: 0.2%The American Conservative: 0.5%Attempt to Sell a Product or S…1.7%

955 words analyzed.

Speakers

6speakers21%attributed speech758writer words
Voice mapSelect a segment to jump to its words
Writer's voice • 3 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 2 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 7 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 9 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 24 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 17 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 15 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 14 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 10 words • 100.0% coverageJulianne Smith • 32 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 16 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 5 words • 0.0% coverageAlexus G. Grynkewich • 38 words • 0.0% coverageUlf Kristersson • 29 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 8 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 25 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 9 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 11 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 24 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 18 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 4 words • 100.0% coverageDmitry Peskov • 16 words • 0.0% coverageDmitry Peskov • 16 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 6 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 22 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 10 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 19 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 16 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 10 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 10 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 9 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 24 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 16 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 15 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 10 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 15 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 24 words • 0.0% coverageRafael Grossi • 50 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 16 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 10 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 18 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 15 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 26 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 15 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 28 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 20 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 9 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 23 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 27 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 25 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 6 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 13 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 30 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 30 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 4 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 11 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 5 words • 0.0% coverageThe American Conservative • 16 words • 100.0% coverage
Selected voice

Rafael Grossi

100%flagged-word coverage
50 attributed words25% of attributed speech86% writer coverage
0%50.0%100.0%Quote-first Misdirection+100.0 ptsWriter: 0.0%Rafael Grossi: 100.0%100.0%Biased Writer Voice-17.0 ptsWriter: 17.0%Rafael Grossi: 0.0%0.0%Unattributed Quote-13.5 ptsWriter: 13.5%Rafael Grossi: 0.0%0.0%

Attribution is sentence-level. Pattern percentages are calculated only from words assigned to that voice.

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Analysis

Hover over highlighted words in the article to view the associated bias or fallacy analysis.