Truthout75%

Bipartisan Housing Bill Could Speed Up New Construction After Major Disasters 9%

By Jake Bittle27%

7/10/2026, 6:32:21 PM

BS Summary: This article contains 32 faulty reasoning types, including Negativity Bias, Anecdotal, and Post Hoc (False Cause), with Appeal to Authority as the most egregious example at 22.7% saturation with 231 hits. Analysis detected 2,049 faulty-reasoning hits from 1,017 analyzed words, generating a BS Score of 25.9% and a BS Rank of 9% (19,316 of 21,168 articles). This article is better (less manipulative) than 91.30% of the article peer group.

An aerial view of construction workers rebuilding houses that were destroyed in the Palisades Fire, on June 25, 2026, in Pacific Palisades, California. 
Mario Tama / Getty Images 
There are a lot of ways for disaster victims to get help in the immediate aftermath of a flood or fire. 
The Federal Emergency Management Agency gives out temporary housing assistance and pays for debris removal, insurance companies pay to rebuild homes and replace lost valuables, and charity groups pass out food and water. 
But the long-term recovery from a major disaster is a lot harder. 
It can take a community years to build back from a major hurricane or wildfire, and the United States only has one federal program to help. 
Run by the Department of Housing and Urban Development, or HUD, the Community Development Block Grant Disaster Recovery program has provided more than $100 billion to disaster areas over the last few decades, but almost everyone agrees that it is broken. 
The program operates on an ad hoc basis, without permanent congressional approval, so most of its disaster grants take more than half a decade to execute and arrive too late to make a difference. 
That is about to change. 
Last month, Congress passed a major bipartisan housing bill with an endorsement from President Donald Trump. 
The president has said he will not sign the bill because Congress has not passed voting restrictions , but it will become law at the end of today if he does not veto it. 
Congress has enough votes to override a potential veto anyway. 
The bill’s primary focus is on building more homes in areas that are suffering from housing shortages, but it also contains a little-noticed provision that will turn HUD’s sporadic disaster aid into a permanent program. 
The change could prevent the stagnation that often happens in disaster areas when displaced families struggle to find housing and businesses shut down. 
“All the tumblers are there to make it work now,” said Stan Gimont, a former HUD official who oversaw the disaster grant program under the Obama and first Trump administrations. 
“They all line up, and it should all go a lot more quickly.” 
The issues with HUD’s block grant recovery program are numerous and notorious. 
Without permanent authorization from Congress, lawmakers have to approve new investments after each disaster, which can take months or years if it happens at all. 
Similarly, the department has to go through an onerous federal rulemaking process every time it receives money. 
Even once a disaster-affected community gets approval to spend money on new housing, or tenant assistance, or rebuilt infrastructure, it can take years to conduct the necessary environmental reviews. 
A case in point is the coastal town of New Bern, North Carolina, which lost hundreds of affordable apartments after it was flooded by Hurricane Florence in 2018. 
A Grist investigation of disaster recovery there found that it took more than five years to build a few dozen apartments with HUD money. 
By the time the new complexes opened in New Bern, the tenants who had lost their apartments back in 2018 had moved on to other cities. 
In other cases, the spending timelines have extended even longer. 
Some grantees who received money after the 2017 California wildfires or 2012’s Hurricane Sandy are still trying to access the funds owed to them. 
In a report last month , HUD said it was “targeting for closeout” a grant that was supposed to help Arkansas recover from tornadoes that occurred in 2008. 
A 2024 report by the department’s internal auditor found that these delays were caused by the program’s ad hoc authorization and by failed coordination between HUD and other agencies. 
“Without permanent authorization and a permanent funding stream, you’re kind of left reinventing the wheel every time,” said Stan Gimont, the former HUD official, who is now a senior advisor at the disaster recovery consulting firm Hagerty Consulting. 
The language in the new housing bill would free up HUD to spend money without waiting for congressional approval, endow a new disaster recovery fund , and create a permanent disaster unit within the department. 
This is similar to how FEMA, housed within the Department of Homeland Security, operates now. 
An accelerated timeline would allow HUD to start spending money in disaster areas as soon as FEMA’s aid winds down, rather than having to wait years after a disaster strikes. 
This could speed up the construction of new affordable apartment buildings or the demolition of flood-prone homes , or even fast-track financial support for new businesses and job training programs. 
“It really helps,” said Carlos Martín, the vice president for research at the think tank Resources for the Future, who has spent years studying the HUD program. 
“FEMA assistance goes for 18 months maximum, and then HUD assistance often wouldn’t kick in for two or three years after that. 
There’s been this valley of death in recovery, and this just decreases that valley of death to being more like a crack, and fewer people can slip through that crack.” 
The new authorization in the housing bill is not technically permanent; in order to appease Republicans in the House of Representatives, lawmakers added a sunset provision that will wind down the aid program after three years. 
But another “sense of Congress” clause in the law suggests that the block-grant program could continue indefinitely as long as there is money available, and Martín said it’s unlikely lawmakers will wind it down after creating a new unit to manage it. 
“It really was a bipartisan agreement,” he said. 
Grist is a nonprofit, independent media organization dedicated to reporting on climate change. 
Press freedom is under attack 
As Trump cracks down on political speech, independent media is increasingly necessary. 
Truthout produces reporting you won’t see in the mainstream: journalism from the frontlines of global conflict, interviews with grassroots movement leaders, high-quality legal analysis and more. 
Our work is possible thanks to reader support. 
Help Truthout catalyze change and social justice  make a tax-deductible monthly or one-time donation today. 
Article reasoning-pattern comparisonThis article: 3.4%Jake Bittle: 2.2%Truthout: 5.8%Confirmation Bias3.4%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 0.3%Truthout: 0.8%Anchoring Bias0.0%This article: 6.6%Jake Bittle: 3.1%Truthout: 3.4%Availability Heuristic6.6%This article: 5.2%Jake Bittle: 0.7%Truthout: 0.8%Representativeness Heuristic5.2%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 1.5%Truthout: 0.4%Hindsight Bias0.0%This article: 3.5%Jake Bittle: 1.9%Truthout: 1.3%Overconfidence Bias3.5%This article: 12.0%Jake Bittle: 6.2%Truthout: 10.1%Framing Effect12.0%This article: 1.6%Jake Bittle: 1.6%Truthout: 0.5%Loss Aversion1.6%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 0.4%Truthout: 0.3%Status Quo Bias0.0%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 0.4%Truthout: 0.2%Sunk Cost Effect0.0%This article: 11.0%Jake Bittle: 6.2%Truthout: 1.0%Optimism Bias11.0%This article: 2.9%Jake Bittle: 1.8%Truthout: 2.3%Pessimism Bias2.9%This article: 17.3%Jake Bittle: 5.7%Truthout: 12.2%Negativity Bias17.3%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 0.7%Truthout: 0.9%Self-Serving Bias0.0%This article: 3.5%Jake Bittle: 0.4%Truthout: 1.4%Fundamental Attribution Error3.5%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 0.2%Truthout: 0.1%Actor-Observer Bias0.0%This article: 3.3%Jake Bittle: 0.9%Truthout: 1.9%In-Group Bias3.3%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 0.2%Truthout: 0.7%Out-Group Homogeneity Bias0.0%This article: 6.7%Jake Bittle: 0.5%Truthout: 1.0%Halo Effect6.7%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 0.0%Truthout: 0.3%Horn Effect0.0%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 0.0%Truthout: 0.0%Dunning-Kruger Effect0.0%This article: 4.1%Jake Bittle: 1.2%Truthout: 1.2%Recency Bias4.1%This article: 1.6%Jake Bittle: 0.1%Truthout: 0.3%Primacy Effect1.6%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 0.1%Truthout: 0.0%Blind-Spot Bias0.0%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 0.3%Truthout: 1.5%Ad Hominem0.0%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 0.0%Truthout: 0.5%Straw Man0.0%This article: 22.7%Jake Bittle: 6.0%Truthout: 3.7%Appeal to Authority22.7%This article: 4.3%Jake Bittle: 2.0%Truthout: 1.9%False Dilemma4.3%This article: 7.1%Jake Bittle: 0.4%Truthout: 1.5%Slippery Slope7.1%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 0.3%Truthout: 0.3%Circular Reasoning0.0%This article: 5.7%Jake Bittle: 2.1%Truthout: 7.7%Hasty Generalization5.7%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 0.0%Truthout: 0.3%Red Herring0.0%This article: 4.8%Jake Bittle: 0.8%Truthout: 0.6%Bandwagon4.8%This article: 9.5%Jake Bittle: 2.6%Truthout: 8.8%Appeal to Emotion9.5%This article: 3.4%Jake Bittle: 0.3%Truthout: 1.7%Begging the Question3.4%This article: 15.1%Jake Bittle: 5.7%Truthout: 2.9%Post Hoc (False Cause)15.1%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 0.0%Truthout: 0.2%Tu Quoque0.0%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 0.3%Truthout: 0.8%Burden of Proof0.0%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 0.1%Truthout: 0.1%Appeal to Nature0.0%This article: 1.5%Jake Bittle: 0.2%Truthout: 0.4%Composition/Division1.5%This article: 15.8%Jake Bittle: 2.2%Truthout: 2.8%Anecdotal15.8%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 0.0%Truthout: 0.2%No True Scotsman0.0%This article: 7.5%Jake Bittle: 3.5%Truthout: 1.5%Ambiguity (Equivocation)7.5%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 0.0%Truthout: 0.0%Gambler’s Fallacy0.0%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 0.2%Truthout: 0.1%Middle Ground0.0%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 0.0%Truthout: 0.1%Personal Incredulity0.0%This article: 3.5%Jake Bittle: 0.1%Truthout: 0.1%Special Pleading3.5%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 0.2%Truthout: 0.3%Genetic Fallacy0.0%This article: 2.2%Jake Bittle: 0.8%Truthout: 1.5%Unattributed Quote2.2%This article: 0.0%Jake Bittle: 1.0%Truthout: 1.6%Quote-first Misdirection0.0%This article: 3.5%Jake Bittle: 3.6%Truthout: 9.5%Biased Writer Voice3.5%This article: 4.1%Jake Bittle: 0.3%Truthout: 2.9%Indoctrination4.1%This article: 1.7%Jake Bittle: 0.7%Truthout: 7.2%Politically Left Leaning Bias1.7%This article: 1.2%Jake Bittle: 0.4%Truthout: 0.3%Politically Right Leaning Bias1.2%This article: 4.9%Jake Bittle: 1.0%Truthout: 1.3%Attempt to Sell a Product or S…4.9%

1017 words analyzed.

Speakers

7speakers43%attributed speech584writer words
Voice mapSelect a segment to jump to its words
Writer's voice • 11 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 23 words • 0.0% coverageGetty Images • 5 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 21 words • 0.0% coverageFederal Emergency Management Agency • 33 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 12 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 26 words • 0.0% coverageDepartment of Housing and Urban Development • 41 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 34 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 5 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 16 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 34 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 10 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 35 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 23 words • 0.0% coverageStan Gimont • 30 words • 0.0% coverageStan Gimont • 13 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 12 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 25 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 17 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 29 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 28 words • 0.0% coverageGrist • 24 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 26 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 10 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 24 words • 0.0% coverageDepartment of Housing and Urban Development • 28 words • 0.0% coverageDepartment of Housing and Urban Development • 29 words • 0.0% coverageStan Gimont • 38 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 35 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 15 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 30 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 30 words • 0.0% coverageCarlos Martín • 27 words • 0.0% coverageCarlos Martín • 22 words • 100.0% coverageCarlos Martín • 30 words • 0.0% coverageWriter's voice • 36 words • 0.0% coverageCarlos Martín • 42 words • 0.0% coverageCarlos Martín • 8 words • 0.0% coverageGrist • 13 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 5 words • 100.0% coverageWriter's voice • 12 words • 100.0% coverageTruthout • 26 words • 100.0% coverageTruthout • 8 words • 100.0% coverageTruthout • 16 words • 100.0% coverage
Selected voice

Truthout

100%flagged-word coverage
50 attributed words12% of attributed speech96% writer coverage
0%50.0%100.0%Attempt to Sell a Product +100.0 ptsWriter: 0.0%Truthout: 100.0%100.0%Indoctrination+84.0 ptsWriter: 0.0%Truthout: 84.0%84.0%Biased Writer Voice-3.9 ptsWriter: 3.9%Truthout: 0.0%0.0%Politically Left Leaning B-2.9 ptsWriter: 2.9%Truthout: 0.0%0.0%Politically Right Leaning -2.1 ptsWriter: 2.1%Truthout: 0.0%0.0%

Attribution is sentence-level. Pattern percentages are calculated only from words assigned to that voice.

Loading…
Loading…
Loading…
Loading…

Analysis

Hover over highlighted words in the article to view the associated bias or fallacy analysis.