Is Brazil's Lula the Most Successful Politician of the 21st Century? ⁠67%

By Vincent Bevins⁠0%

7/13/2026, 11:00:50 AM

BS Summary: This article contains 41 faulty reasoning types, including Appeal to Emotion, Ambiguity (Equivocation), and Halo Effect, with Negativity Bias as the most egregious example at 15.4% saturation with 494 hits. Analysis detected 5,371 faulty-reasoning hits from 3,199 analyzed words, generating a BS Score of 60.7% and a BS Rank of ⁠67% (7,055 of 21,180 articles). This article is worse (more manipulative) than 66.70% of the article peer group.

Brazil’s president is democratic, successful, and globally respected. 
July 13, 2026, 7:00 AM 
By Vincent Bevins , the author of The Jakarta Method and If We Burn . 
A man with a white beard and grey hair stands at a clear podium, speaking into a microphone. 
Behind him, a massive digital screen shows a close-up projection of his own face wearing a bright red baseball cap with a white star logo while holding a microphone. 
To the right of the projection on the screen, a large, dense crowd of supporters is visible, many with their arms raised in the air. 
Brazilian presidential candidate Luiz Inåcio Lula da Silva speaks to supporters during a gathering at Auditório Celso Furtado in São Paulo on Sept. 
26, 2022. 
Alexandre Schneider/Getty Images 
Who is the most successful politician of the 21st century? 
The leader who has seen his nation accumulate the most wealth and influence while maintaining power must be Chinese President Xi Jinping. 
But if we require that the titleholder has won competitive multi-party elections, a wider range of people have a chance. 
Former German Chancellor Angela Merkel governed for a long time, and with a calm hand. 
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi would also be in the mix. 
Although it has not been a great quarter century for liberal democracy and the center left, Brazilian President Luiz Inåcio Lula da Silva is surely in the race. 
As Lula: A People’s President and the Fight for Brazil’s Future by Andre Pagliarini recounts, Brazil’s three-term leader, who held power from 2003 to 2011 and then returned to office in 2023, rose from humble roots as a factory worker to build a union movement and then a party. 
He repeatedly won the presidency, using executive power to re-shape class relations within Brazil and shove the country into a more central position in the global system. 
The book cover has a bold red background. 
At the top, the title "LULA" is written in large, white, sans-serif block letters. 
Below it, the subtitle reads, "A People's President and the Fight for Brazil's Future." 
The central image shows a man with white hair and a beard from the side, wearing a blue shirt and raising his right fist high in the air. 
At the bottom of the cover, the author's name, "ANDRE PAGLIARINI," is printed in white capital letters. 
Lula: A People’s President and the Fight for Brazil’s Future , Andre Pagliarini, Polity, 240 pp., $22.95, September 2025 
“The best way to understand the historical significance of Lula,” Pagliarini writes, “is as a kind of incarnation of Brazil’s long-standing hopes for global ascension.” 
In the neoliberal era that began in the 1980s and ended sometime in the last decade, it has been difficult to build durable political organizations. 
But Lula’s Workers’ Party (PT), founded in 1980, became what is probably the largest political party in the Western Hemisphere, based on membership counts. 
It may outlast the man himself. 
Later this year, Lula is likely to mount his seventh bid for the presidency of Latin America’s most populous country. 
In his sixth attempt, in 2022, he defeated far-right President Jair Bolsonaro, even as Bolsonaro and several associates tried to plot a coup to stay in power. 
Now that Bolsonaro is in prison, Brazil’s extreme right will be represented by his eldest son, Flávio. 
And once more, Brazil’s pro-democratic forces will call upon Lula and the PT to save them. 
A smiling woman with short grey hair and black-rimmed glasses stands outdoors at night, posing in front of several large red campaign banners. 
She is wearing a white patterned blouse with a political campaign button pinned to her chest. 
She holds her right hand up, making an "L" shape with her thumb and index finger. 
The banners behind her feature a portrait of a bearded man; some are printed with the text "TÔ COM LULA," while a flag on the right shows a stylized graphic of the same man above the words "VACINA & PICANHA & CERVEJA." 
A Lula supporter gestures during a campaign rally ahead of the presidential runoff in Rio de Janeiro on Oct. 
11, 2022. 
Wagner Meier/Getty Images 
The subtitle of Pagliarini’s book is “A People’s President and the Fight for Brazil’s Future,” but most of it is about the 20th century. 
The cautiously optimistic years of Lula’s current third term only occupy a few pages. 
None of the book is about what awaits the country going forward. 
Instead, Pagliarini, a Brazilian American historian at Louisiana State University, has written a careful account of two separate tracks of Brazilian history. 
Both come together in the figure of Lula: on the left, slow and fraught attempts to create a movement in the shadows of a rapacious domestic oligarchy and U.S. imperialism; on the right, the consolidation of institutional presidential politics from the end of the Portuguese monarchy in 1889 through two dictatorships and the country’s most recent re-democratization in 1989. 
Lula was born in 1945, the seventh of eight children. 
As a boy, he moved from the poor state of Pernambuco to the outskirts of São Paulo. 
The metropolitan area was a growing industrial powerhouse. 
While still relatively uninterested in politics, Lula landed a job in a factory. 
He lost a finger due to poor conditions and being overworked, and rose up the ranks to lead the metalworkers’ union. 
Pagliarini capably describes Brazil’s political scene. 
In the early 20th century, an immigrant-led anarchist movement transformed into a domestic communist party—which was crushed by state repression in the 1930s. 
In the 1940s, President GetĂșlio Vargas enforced a corporatist pact with the working class that bound formal employees and their representatives to the state. 
Then came a 1964 military coup, backed by the United States, that crushed a liberal reform movement. 
The regime kidnapped and murdered its perceived enemies, repressing organized labor into alignment with state interests, before eventually embarking on a slow process of abertura política (political opening) until Brazil’s re-democratization. 
In 1980, Lula was arrested for organizing a strike and charged with subversion. 
As Lula’s biographer Fernando Morais detailed in Foreign Policy , Lula sought to create a new labor movement that was not as subservient to bosses as old trade unions. 
He helped found a new party comprising workers, Catholic progressives, and veterans of the anti-dictatorship struggle. 
In 1989, Lula participated in the first free Brazilian presidential elections in decades—and then lost three times in a row. 
In 2002, he finally won. 
A close-up photograph displays a large collection of circular political campaign buttons pinned in neat rows against a black background. 
The pins feature various names, logos, and slogans in different colors. 
Notable designs include white pins with "Lula Brasil" written in a stylized font, white pins with a red star reading "Meu Primeiro Voto é do Lula," blue pins featuring a hand giving a peace sign alongside the name "Mårio Covas," and pins with the name "Freire" set against a red paintbrush stroke background. 
One white pin prominently features a photographic portrait of a man's face. 
Campaign buttons of the candidates in the 1989 Brazilian presidential election. 
Francois Ancellet/Gamma-Rapho via Getty Images 
Readers might complain that Pagliarini’s book is really about the fight for Brazil’s history, not its future. 
In many ways, however, they are the same thing. 
If Flåvio Bolsonaro defeats Lula this year and carries out the family mission of de-democratizing Brazil, Lula will mean a very different thing to history than he does now. 
(Brazil’s Supreme Court recently convicted another Bolsonaro son, Eduardo, of interfering in his father’s case.) 
But if Lula can hold on for a fourth term, the Brazilian left may be able to shape the world throughout the rest of the century. 
The Brazilian left has accumulated both the legitimacy and experience to exert international influence like few other movements in the global south, Pagliarini shows. 
In the weeks after Brazil’s 2022 election, the apparent symmetry between the struggles of the U.S. 
Democratic Party and Brazil’s democratic movement led to a rare confluence of interests between North American liberals and Lula’s coalition. 
Historically, Democratic U.S. presidents have been very willing to back right-wing coups in Brazil, as in the 1964 putsch that both John F. 
Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson worked to make possible. 
Pagliarini notes, however, that Joe Biden made clear he would not abide Bolsonaro’s coup-plotting. 
Bolsonaro supporters launched their own tragic and farcical version of the Jan. 6, 2021, insurrection two years and two days later. 
But once Lula’s third term began, the PT’s differences with U.S. 
Democrats began to show. 
This was not a surprise to the South American left: Lula’s brother, a communist, was tortured by the United States-backed dictatorship in 1975. 
Dilma Rousseff, Lula’s chosen successor (who governed from 2011 to 2016), took up arms against that same regime in her youth as part of a Marxist-Leninist guerrilla movement; she too was imprisoned and abused by the generals . 
Brazilian President Luiz Inåcio Lula da Silva delivers a speech during an International Workers' Day rally in São Paulo, Brazil, on May 1. 
Lula Doesn’t Understand Today’s Brazil 
How the Brazilian left has become a victim of its own success. 
Pagliarini recounts one famous story, in which Fidel Castro convinced Lula to stick to electoral politics after a stinging 1982 defeat in his run for governor of São Paulo. 
“You had a hell of a vote total,” Castro apparently told him. 
“Stop with this story that you were defeated. 
You weren’t.” 
In 2020, shortly after he was released from prison for a corruption conviction that was ultimately overturned amid judicial malpractice, Lula blamed Barack Obama’s State Department for the now-discredited anti-corruption drive that removed the Brazilian leader from electoral competition in 2018. 
Since beginning his third term in 2023, Lula has taken positions on U.S. policy toward Ukraine and Venezuela that raised eyebrows in the United States. 
He insisted that Washington and Brussels bore partial responsibility for Russian’s 2022 invasion and has publicly criticized Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky. 
In Latin America, the PT has long preferred to keep its criticisms of repressive leftist neighbors quiet rather than appearing to offer public justification for U.S. meddling. 
Lula has also remained committed to the BRICS bloc, even as the growing group has experienced discord and tensions with Washington. 
But where Lula diverges most from the U.S. establishment is that he can find agreement with much of the rest of the globe; his skepticism of U.S. power may find influence in a world in which Washington is unable to exercise unipolar hegemony and faces increasing opposition to its violent interventions abroad. 
Unlike other leaders on the global center-left, Lula has a positive vision for the future—even if his dream of a multipolar world may not come to pass. 
Two men in suits sit in armchairs facing each other against a dark blue curtain backdrop. 
On the left, a man with blond hair, a navy suit, and a bright red tie looks towards the camera with a slight smile, his hands clasped together. 
On the right, a man with white hair and a beard wearing a dark suit, a grey shirt, and a dark red tie gestures with his right hand while holding a red folder in his left hand. 
Between them sits a small side table draped with a red cloth, holding a floral arrangement and two glasses of water. 
Lula gestures to U.S. 
President Donald Trump during a bilateral meeting on the sidelines of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations summit in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, on Oct. 
26, 2025. 
Andrew Caballero-Reynolds/AFP via Getty Images 
Looking back on his campaigns in the 1980s and 1990s, as Pagliarini’s Lula does, it is striking that two of Lula’s most defining—and praiseworthy—characteristics seem contradictory. 
First, he is implacably radical when in the opposition—repeatedly railing, for example, against neoliberalism. 
Lula proclaimed that formal democratization without deep social reform would leave reactionary forces with the real power. 
“[T]he issue of capital remains intact,” he said in 1988, as cited by Pagliarini. 
The boss “will continue to earn as much money as he did before, and will continue to distribute as little as he does today.” 
But once close to power, Lula works flexibly within the existing system to deliver for regular people. 
As president, he has kept most of the structures he denounced as neoliberal in place and used economic growth as the basis for social programs that lift up the poor without threatening elite privileges. 
The most famous is Bolsa Familia , a cash transfer program for low-income families. 
He is a master at getting what he wants from a labyrinthine and nefarious congressional system. 
This is how the Brazilian left often treats the question of corruption, which stalks both Lula and Rousseff. 
Lula got to Brasília in 2003 and saw that kickbacks and favors were the meat and potatoes of national politics. 
He could refuse to play the game, and be immediately impeached or overthrown, or he could get his hands dirty—as his conservative predecessors did—and watch tens of millions of Brazilians rise out of poverty. 
A smiling woman holds up two government assistance benefit cards inside a room. 
In her right hand, she displays a blue card that reads "Bolsa Escola do Governo Federal," and in her left hand, a yellow card that reads "Bolsa Família." 
The background shows a simple kitchen area with wooden shelving holding upside-down glasses and kitchen containers. 
Maria Nilza, 36, shows her “Bolsa Familia” social plan card in Serra Azul, Brazil, on Sept. 
11, 2006. 
Vanderlei Almeida/AFP via Getty Images 
Brazil, like the United States and China, is big enough that it mostly talks to itself, and less to outsiders. 
In Portuguese, Morais’ biography of Lula is the most influential account of the Brazilian president’s life so far. 
That book, elegiac and well-researched, was recently translated to English. 
But it is “ not for beginners ,” to borrow an old phrase originally applied to Brazil itself. 
The book’s structure presupposes an understanding of South American politics that few North Americans possess. 
Both Celso Rocha de Barros and Lincoln Secco have written essential, though untranslated, histories of the PT. 
They focus more on the early party’s working-class base and its member participation. 
But Pagliarini is attentive to its transition to an electoral vehicle. 
Although he shows frequent deference to Lula and His Politics of Cunning: From Metalworker to President of Brazil by John D. 
French, that book is more narrowly focused on the man, and only takes English speakers as far as the beginning of the Bolsonaro presidency . 
Pagliarini’s book is more focused on the Brazilian working class and its relation to the global system. 
It is a much-needed contribution to the popular, global understanding of Brazil that is likely to serve readers well as they bite their nails and wait for this year’s election results. 
(Richard Lapper’s new book, Lula! , is another addition to this canon.) 
Though obviously and explicitly sympathetic to Lula, Pagliarini’s is not a left-wing account. 
He cites scholars and journalists from both the United States and Brazil and takes care to include prominent critiques put forward by mainstream analysts and right-leaning media, usually before offering his own rebuttal. 
He is conversant with observers—including U.S. media—whom the radical left of the PT, which very much still exists, dismiss as hopelessly biased, if not agents of imperialism. 
The possibility of this approach speaks to Lula’s unique position: Where else, these days, does a center-left party have actual fans? 
Among global leaders, few aside from Lula have been able to hold back reactionary forces while also developing a transformative party platform and maneuvering to take advantage of a crumbling world order. 
At least for now, Pagliarini demonstrates, Lula could matter in the next phase of history. 
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Billboards with the slogans “Key to Peace,” “Key to Security,” and “Shared Future in Peace”, displayed along the boulevard on the protocol route ahead of the NATO Summit in Ankara, on 26 June. 
Can NATO Pull Off a Dull Summit? 
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, France's President Emmanuel Macron, and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer at the start of the E-3 meeting during the 62nd Munich Security Conference on February 13, 2026 in Munich, Germany. 
Europe Is Struggling to Lead NATO 
A pharmacy sign displays the temperature of 44 degrees Celsius in Brussels. 
NATO’s New Enemy Is the Thermometer 
Why Netanyahu Is Crying Wolf on Turkey 
The Global Energy Map Is Being Redrawn in Real Time 
NATO Is Still a Sick Puppy 
The CIA’s First Failed Coup 
How Ukraine Figured Out Trump World 
Article reasoning-pattern comparisonThis article: 9.9%Vincent Bevins: 5.8%Foreign Policy: 3.4%Confirmation Bias9.9%This article: 0.8%Vincent Bevins: 0.7%Foreign Policy: 0.4%Anchoring Bias0.8%This article: 5.0%Vincent Bevins: 2.5%Foreign Policy: 2.6%Availability Heuristic5.0%This article: 3.7%Vincent Bevins: 1.9%Foreign Policy: 0.9%Representativeness Heuristic3.7%This article: 0.6%Vincent Bevins: 0.3%Foreign Policy: 0.8%Hindsight Bias0.6%This article: 1.4%Vincent Bevins: 0.7%Foreign Policy: 2.3%Overconfidence Bias1.4%This article: 5.5%Vincent Bevins: 3.0%Foreign Policy: 4.9%Framing Effect5.5%This article: 0.0%Vincent Bevins: 0.0%Foreign Policy: 0.2%Loss Aversion0.0%This article: 1.1%Vincent Bevins: 0.5%Foreign Policy: 0.3%Status Quo Bias1.1%This article: 0.5%Vincent Bevins: 0.2%Foreign Policy: 0.1%Sunk Cost Effect0.5%This article: 6.6%Vincent Bevins: 5.1%Foreign Policy: 1.8%Optimism Bias6.6%This article: 2.6%Vincent Bevins: 1.7%Foreign Policy: 2.9%Pessimism Bias2.6%This article: 15.4%Vincent Bevins: 8.1%Foreign Policy: 7.9%Negativity Bias15.4%This article: 1.1%Vincent Bevins: 0.5%Foreign Policy: 0.5%Self-Serving Bias1.1%This article: 1.8%Vincent Bevins: 0.9%Foreign Policy: 1.2%Fundamental Attribution Error1.8%This article: 0.0%Vincent Bevins: 0.0%Foreign Policy: 0.2%Actor-Observer Bias0.0%This article: 1.8%Vincent Bevins: 7.9%Foreign Policy: 0.7%In-Group Bias1.8%This article: 1.7%Vincent Bevins: 0.8%Foreign Policy: 0.6%Out-Group Homogeneity Bias1.7%This article: 12.2%Vincent Bevins: 15.6%Foreign Policy: 1.6%Halo Effect12.2%This article: 0.0%Vincent Bevins: 0.0%Foreign Policy: 0.1%Horn Effect0.0%This article: 0.0%Vincent Bevins: 0.0%Foreign Policy: 0.0%Dunning-Kruger Effect0.0%This article: 2.8%Vincent Bevins: 1.4%Foreign Policy: 1.4%Recency Bias2.8%This article: 0.0%Vincent Bevins: 0.0%Foreign Policy: 0.3%Primacy Effect0.0%This article: 0.4%Vincent Bevins: 0.4%Foreign Policy: 0.0%Blind-Spot Bias0.4%This article: 0.0%Vincent Bevins: 0.0%Foreign Policy: 0.9%Ad Hominem0.0%This article: 0.5%Vincent Bevins: 0.3%Foreign Policy: 0.2%Straw Man0.5%This article: 10.8%Vincent Bevins: 8.4%Foreign Policy: 2.9%Appeal to Authority10.8%This article: 2.4%Vincent Bevins: 2.3%Foreign Policy: 1.7%False Dilemma2.4%This article: 3.7%Vincent Bevins: 1.8%Foreign Policy: 1.3%Slippery Slope3.7%This article: 0.0%Vincent Bevins: 0.1%Foreign Policy: 0.2%Circular Reasoning0.0%This article: 8.4%Vincent Bevins: 6.6%Foreign Policy: 4.8%Hasty Generalization8.4%This article: 0.3%Vincent Bevins: 0.2%Foreign Policy: 0.1%Red Herring0.3%This article: 3.6%Vincent Bevins: 1.8%Foreign Policy: 0.2%Bandwagon3.6%This article: 12.7%Vincent Bevins: 6.4%Foreign Policy: 2.7%Appeal to Emotion12.7%This article: 2.8%Vincent Bevins: 1.5%Foreign Policy: 0.8%Begging the Question2.8%This article: 11.7%Vincent Bevins: 5.8%Foreign Policy: 3.1%Post Hoc (False Cause)11.7%This article: 0.0%Vincent Bevins: 0.0%Foreign Policy: 0.1%Tu Quoque0.0%This article: 0.7%Vincent Bevins: 0.3%Foreign Policy: 0.3%Burden of Proof0.7%This article: 0.0%Vincent Bevins: 0.0%Foreign Policy: 0.2%Appeal to Nature0.0%This article: 1.1%Vincent Bevins: 0.5%Foreign Policy: 0.3%Composition/Division1.1%This article: 0.9%Vincent Bevins: 0.5%Foreign Policy: 1.2%Anecdotal0.9%This article: 0.6%Vincent Bevins: 0.3%Foreign Policy: 0.1%No True Scotsman0.6%This article: 12.6%Vincent Bevins: 6.3%Foreign Policy: 1.6%Ambiguity (Equivocation)12.6%This article: 0.0%Vincent Bevins: 0.0%Foreign Policy: 0.0%Gambler’s Fallacy0.0%This article: 0.8%Vincent Bevins: 0.4%Foreign Policy: 0.1%Middle Ground0.8%This article: 0.0%Vincent Bevins: 0.0%Foreign Policy: 0.0%Personal Incredulity0.0%This article: 0.0%Vincent Bevins: 0.0%Foreign Policy: 0.1%Special Pleading0.0%This article: 0.0%Vincent Bevins: 0.0%Foreign Policy: 0.1%Genetic Fallacy0.0%This article: 3.2%Vincent Bevins: 1.8%Foreign Policy: 1.8%Unattributed Quote3.2%This article: 2.0%Vincent Bevins: 1.0%Foreign Policy: 1.0%Quote-first Misdirection2.0%This article: 9.7%Vincent Bevins: 11.3%Foreign Policy: 5.5%Biased Writer Voice9.7%This article: 0.3%Vincent Bevins: 0.1%Foreign Policy: 1.1%Indoctrination0.3%This article: 2.7%Vincent Bevins: 1.3%Foreign Policy: 0.7%Politically Left Leaning Bias2.7%This article: 0.0%Vincent Bevins: 0.0%Foreign Policy: 0.3%Politically Right Leaning Bias0.0%This article: 1.8%Vincent Bevins: 2.1%Foreign Policy: 0.4%Attempt to Sell a Product or S
1.8%

3199 words analyzed.

Speakers

19speakers19%attributed speech2,586writer words
Voice mapSelect a segment to jump to its words
Writer's voice ‱ 11 words ‱ 100.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 8 words ‱ 100.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 5 words ‱ 0.0% coverageVincent Bevins ‱ 15 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 18 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 29 words ‱ 100.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 25 words ‱ 0.0% coverageLuiz InĂĄcio Lula da Silva ‱ 23 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 2 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 3 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 10 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 22 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 20 words ‱ 0.0% coverageAngela Merkel ‱ 15 words ‱ 100.0% coverageNarendra Modi ‱ 11 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 28 words ‱ 100.0% coverageAndre Pagliarini ‱ 49 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 27 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 8 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 14 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 14 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 28 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 17 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 19 words ‱ 0.0% coverageAndre Pagliarini ‱ 25 words ‱ 100.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 25 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 24 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 6 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 20 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 27 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 17 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 16 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 23 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 16 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 16 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 42 words ‱ 0.0% coverageLuiz InĂĄcio Lula da Silva ‱ 19 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 2 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 3 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 24 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 14 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 12 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 22 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 59 words ‱ 100.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 10 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 17 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 8 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 13 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 21 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 6 words ‱ 100.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 23 words ‱ 0.0% coverageGetĂșlio Vargas ‱ 24 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 17 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 31 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 13 words ‱ 0.0% coverageFernando Morais ‱ 29 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 16 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 20 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 5 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 20 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 11 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 53 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 12 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 11 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 5 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 17 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 9 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 29 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 15 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 26 words ‱ 0.0% coverageAndre Pagliarini ‱ 24 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 16 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 20 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 23 words ‱ 0.0% coverageJohn F. Kennedy ‱ 8 words ‱ 0.0% coverageAndre Pagliarini ‱ 14 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 21 words ‱ 100.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 11 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 4 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 23 words ‱ 0.0% coverageDilma Rousseff ‱ 38 words ‱ 100.0% coverageLuiz InĂĄcio Lula da Silva ‱ 23 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 5 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 12 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 29 words ‱ 0.0% coverageFidel Castro ‱ 12 words ‱ 100.0% coverageFidel Castro ‱ 8 words ‱ 0.0% coverageFidel Castro ‱ 2 words ‱ 0.0% coverageLuiz InĂĄcio Lula da Silva ‱ 41 words ‱ 100.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 25 words ‱ 100.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 21 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 27 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 21 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 52 words ‱ 100.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 27 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 16 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 28 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 37 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 21 words ‱ 0.0% coverageLuiz InĂĄcio Lula da Silva ‱ 4 words ‱ 0.0% coverageDonald Trump ‱ 24 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 2 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 5 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 26 words ‱ 100.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 14 words ‱ 100.0% coverageLuiz InĂĄcio Lula da Silva ‱ 17 words ‱ 0.0% coverageLuiz InĂĄcio Lula da Silva ‱ 14 words ‱ 0.0% coverageLuiz InĂĄcio Lula da Silva ‱ 24 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 17 words ‱ 100.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 34 words ‱ 100.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 14 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 16 words ‱ 100.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 18 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 20 words ‱ 100.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 34 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 13 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 28 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 16 words ‱ 0.0% coverageMaria Nilza ‱ 16 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 2 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 5 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 20 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 18 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 10 words ‱ 100.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 18 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 15 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 17 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 13 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 11 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 21 words ‱ 100.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 25 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 17 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 31 words ‱ 100.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 12 words ‱ 100.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 13 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 33 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 27 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 21 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 32 words ‱ 0.0% coverageAndre Pagliarini ‱ 15 words ‱ 0.0% coverageFinancial Times editors ‱ 7 words ‱ 0.0% coverageFP ‱ 15 words ‱ 100.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 26 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 5 words ‱ 0.0% coverageAlexandra de Hoop Scheffer ‱ 4 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 15 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 27 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 5 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 27 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 20 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 5 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 13 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 26 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 1 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 4 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 17 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 11 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 5 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 6 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 17 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 34 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 5 words ‱ 0.0% coverageDonald Trump ‱ 33 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 6 words ‱ 0.0% coverageZhang Shengmin ‱ 29 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 7 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 11 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 11 words ‱ 0.0% coverageVolodymyr Zelensky ‱ 7 words ‱ 0.0% coverageMark Rutte ‱ 11 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 9 words ‱ 0.0% coverageUkraine’s ambassador to the United States ‱ 13 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 33 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 7 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 34 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 6 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 12 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 6 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 7 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 10 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 6 words ‱ 100.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 5 words ‱ 0.0% coverageWriter's voice ‱ 6 words ‱ 0.0% coverage
Selected voice

Dilma Rousseff

100%flagged-word coverage
38 attributed words6.2% of attributed speech77% writer coverage
0%50.0%100.0%Biased Writer Voice+90.0 ptsWriter: 10.0%Dilma Rousseff: 100.0%100.0%Politically Left Leaning B-3.3 ptsWriter: 3.3%Dilma Rousseff: 0.0%0.0%Attempt to Sell a Product -1.7 ptsWriter: 1.7%Dilma Rousseff: 0.0%0.0%Quote-first Misdirection-1.0 ptsWriter: 1.0%Dilma Rousseff: 0.0%0.0%Unattributed Quote-1.0 ptsWriter: 1.0%Dilma Rousseff: 0.0%0.0%Indoctrination-0.3 ptsWriter: 0.3%Dilma Rousseff: 0.0%0.0%

Attribution is sentence-level. Pattern percentages are calculated only from words assigned to that voice.

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Analysis

Hover over highlighted words in the article to view the associated bias or fallacy analysis.